If we could see what lies on the far side of the increasingly high wall of our industrial agriculture,” Michael Pollan wrote, in the introduction to The Omnivore’s Dilemma, “we would surely change the way we eat.”
A decade later, we can say we’ve gotten a good look–or at least a better look–at what’s on the far side. And Pollan is wondering whether that alone is enough.
In a recent interview, I asked him whether heightened consumer awareness has changed food the way he’d hoped it would. His surprising answer: not so much. Though he pointed out some encouraging developments, he also argued that our food system, on the whole, is not so different from the one he wrote about in 2006. It’s going to take some difficult conversations for the alternate food economy to become the primary food economy, he said. Conversations about the political limits of conscientious consumption. About who should pay for food and how much. And about identity—how advocates should feel about corporations co-opting their message, and how big a role Big Food should play in a movement’s future.
Penguin Books’ 10th anniversary edition of The Omnivore’s Dilemma, which features a new afterword by the author, was published today.
I spoke to Pollan by phone, and his remarks have been edited for length.
Michael Pollan: The simple question that got me started on the book—where does your food come from?—is now front-of-mind for a lot of people. I don’t want to oversell its influence because the food system, in many ways, is remarkably similar to what it was ten years ago. But the attitude people bring to their food choices had already started to shift in 2006, and it’s certainly different today.
The alternative food economy is growing in America. Organic food is approaching 40 billion dollars in sales. Local food is harder to quantify, but I’ve seen numbers between 7 and 10 billion dollars in sales. Then there are artisanal foods of various kinds. You’re north of 50 billion dollars in economic activity that is, in one way or another, opposed to the conventional food system. Which is not to say that some of the mainstream companies don’t own stakes in organic food: they do. But that the fact that they do is significant because it suggests the alternative food economy is influencing the mainstream food economy in various ways.
One of the good things about having a handful of large companies dominate the food landscape is that monopolies can sometimes move quickly to change the system. When you persuade McDonald’s or Walmart or KFC to change what they do, you can rapidly drive a lot of change throughout the food system. Ultimately, I think many of the values that seem alternative now—cage-free eggs, for example—will be mainstream very soon. I think you’ll have major fast food chains switching to organic at some point as a marketing matter—and it’ll work, and others will follow suit.
This is how change comes to America, right? We tend to make progress by co-opting challenges, rather than by revolution and replacement. There is no question that you’ll see this alternative food economy gradually co-opted. The interesting thing is whether people will celebrate this or mourn it.
While the cultural consciousness around food has shifted, we haven’t made much progress changing things in Washington. The real challenge now is to bring the fight from the consumer to the citizen: to get people to vote on food issues, to get people in Congress to vote for improvements to the food system. The industry still has a lock on the agricultural committees in Congress, and most of the reforms we’ve seen are really nibbling around the edges. There is money for farm-to-school and farm-to-institution programs, and for local food systems. The farm bill has some good provisions for small and diversified farmers that never existed before. There’s a lot of money to promote local agriculture. These aren’t trivial changes, but they are marginal. Legislators added some goodies for the alternative system without changing much about the main system.
We are at an interesting moment where the power of corporations is so complete that government has a lot of trouble bringing them to heel unless there is a scandal. And yet, the weakness—the Achilles heel—of these corporations is their brand. That’s where you see interesting political activity on the part of groups like the Coalition of Immokalee Workers, Oxfam America, the Humane Society. They’ve really gone after these brands, who have actually felt compelled to change their behavior because they’re so terrified of being held up to shame or ridicule. So we have this interesting politics developing around attacking the brands of corporations.
It’s important to vote with your fork. It’s not trivial. It’s necessary but not sufficient. We also have to vote with our votes.
My hope is that people will start to revalue food as something worth spending more money on when possible. After all, a remarkable number of us—a majority—got comfortable in very short order paying hundreds of dollars a month for a second telephone account, and for television (which once was free!). I think a significant slice of the consuming public is getting used to the idea that food produced in alignment with their values costs more and is worth more. But of course, there remain people who won’t be able to afford the higher prices of sustainable food, and that’s where the difficulty arises. How do we make this food available to them? That, I think, is the big challenge of the food movement: to democratize sustainably and ethically produced food.
That’s why it is very encouraging to see food movement activists get involved with labor issues in the last couple of years, addressing wages and not just food production. There’s a recognition that a lot of the working poor are employed in the food industry and are being exploited by it. If we can right that wrong, and get fast food and farm worker wages up, that will allow more of us to be able to pay the true cost of food.
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